How do coalition signals shape voting behavior? Revealing the mediating role of coalition expectations

Existing empirical research suggests that there are two mechanisms through which pre-electoral coalition signals shape voting behavior. According to these, coalition signals both shift the perceived ideological positions of parties and prime coalition considerations at the cost of party considerations. The work at hand is the first to test another possibility of how coalition signals affect voting. This coalition expectation mechanism claims that coalition signals affect voting decisions by changing voters' expectations about which coalitions are likely to form after the election. Moreover, this paper provides the first integrative overview of all three mechanisms that link coalition signals and individual voting behavior. Results from a survey experiment conducted during Sweden's 2018 general election suggest that the coalition expectation mechanism can indeed be at work. By showing how parties' pre-electoral coalition behavior enter a voter's decision calculus, the paper provides important insights for the literature on strategic voting theories in proportional systems.     

An Empirical Investigation of the Factors Affecting the Use of Social Networks in Human Resources Recruitment

ABSTRACT

The main objective of this study is to investigate the factors affecting the use of social networks towards recruiting human resources for organizations. Through an in-depth review of the relevant literature, a questionnaire was designed and distributed among the sample and collected data were analyzed using PLS-Software. Results revealed that 50?75% of organizations use social networks in their organizations and all the identified effective factors in the use of social networks for human resources recruitment were confirmed, except for “hope for performance”. “Facilitating conditions” have the highest impact on the usage of social networks in recruiting, “Social influence” identified as one of the most important factors in people’s behavioral intention for the usage of social networks in recruitment and “Effort expectancy” had the least impact on behavioral intention. In addition, Gender and the level of education have no impact on the behavioral intention and the behavior of usage of social networking.     

Strategic voting,information, and ethnicity in emerging democracies: Evidence from Kenya

This paper explores the conditions under which voters in emerging democracies support non-viable candidates. We argue that cognitive biases and the geographic clustering of minor-party supporters in ethno-political enclaves lead to misperceptions about the electoral prospects of minor-party candidates, weakening strategic defections both among co-ethnic and non-co-ethnic supporters. We explore these arguments using original survey data from Kenya's 2007 presidential election, a contest that featured a minor-party candidate, Kalonzo Musyoka, who stood little chance of electoral victory. Despite this, results show that most of his supporters chose to vote for the candidate, failing to perceive that he was not a viable contender. The findings suggest that theories of political behavior in multi-ethnic settings can be enriched by drawing upon insights from the political psychology literature on belief formation.     

The Electoral Cycle and Multi-Level Voting in Germany

The aim of this contribution is to analyse whether Land elections may (have) become uncoupled from the federal electoral process, and, if they have, to explore the implications for party competition in Germany. Initially, an overview is presented of the relevant theoretical models that can help unpack the relationship between different electoral arenas. Secondly, how these ideas have been applied to national and sub-national electoral competition in Germany is outlined, before an examination of the 'fit' of the data in both the pre- and post-unification periods. We conclude with reflections on two key features that have regularly surfaced in Gordon Smith's writings: party system change and political stability.     

中国式分权下的地方政府竞争对FDI技术溢出效应的影响

中国式分权的典型特点是以政治集权为实施背景,政治经济双重激励下各地方政府针对FDI展开激烈的优惠政策竞争,这些竞争会通过降低流入外资质量或提高外资企业相对竞争力的方式影响FDI的技术溢出效应。本文利用1995--2006年省级动态面板数据考察了分税制改革后财政分权对FDI技术溢出效应的影响。研究发现,FDI可以显著提高我国全要素生产率水平,但财政分权带来的恶性引资竞争会阻碍这种促进作用;分地区回归表明,东部地区地方政府竞争不会阻碍FDI对技术进步的促进作用;西部地区引资质量较低,FDI会阻碍区内生产率水平提高,并且地方政府竞争会加剧这种阻碍作用。     

关于加强中国国家软实力建设的几点思考

10月18日中共十七届六中全会在北京落幕,会议审议通过了《中共中央关于深化文化体制改革、推动社会主义文化大发展大繁荣若干重大问题的决定》,国家文化建设作为软实力塑造的重要组成部分,将人们的视线再次拉回到传统文化建设上来。自从20世纪90年代初美国著名学者约瑟夫·奈提出“软实力”概念以来,它就开始成为世界各国关注的焦点。纵观近现代世界一流强国崛起的历史,可以看出“软实力”建设在其崛起的过程中发挥了重要作用。中国在和平发展过程中如何提高自身的国际影响力,如何通过软实力来塑造中国良好的国际形象,掌控能力、战略信誉以及表现能力非常重要。     

中国气候外交的战略布局

近年来,气候变化问题在国际关系中的地位不断上升,成为影响国际格局走势的一个重要因素,并将引起世界各国外交领域的“气候变革”。当前,应对气候变化已成为中国“领域外交”的一项重要任务。气候外交作为中国整体外交布局的重要组成部分,是中国积极应对气候变化、优化对外战略布局的一项重要举措。认清形势并进行战略布局,积极开展气候外交,促进国民经济健康可持续发展,进一步提升国家形象,更好地履行国际责任,也是中国和平发展战略的一项重要内容。     

地方政府竞争中的制度创新及异化分析

我国地方政府在政府竞争的压力之下,起着政治企业家的作用,进行了诸如产权制度变革、行政审批制度改革以及地方公共物品供给制度改革等制度创新行为。但行政性分权的非制度性和非稳定性,法律约束机制的缺失以及中央政府宏观调控式微等制度安排中的缺陷导致了地方政府制度创新中的悖论,地方政府在政府竞争中以曲解规则、补充文件等异化的制度创新行为和方式来理解和贯彻国家的法律法规和上级要求实施的制度规则,以求满足自身利益的最大化。     

世界大变局与中美日三国战略选择

在世界大变局中,战后国际格局重大变化的主要标志是“世界老二”易位。苏联、日本皆不例外;21世纪以来欧盟也由盛转衰。未来国际格局可能有三种前景:1.中美两极对抗体制;2.中美竞争合作的“两极多元体制”;3.世界各大力量多元并存,构建多元一体的人类命运共同体。这要看世界潮流是走向和平多边主义还是暴力多边主义。中国实现伟大复兴后的战略选择是“济弱扶倾”,为世界可持续发展与可持续安全做贡献。日本面临的战略选择是:继续在《日本国宪法》下走和平发展道路,还是修改宪法,成为“能战国家”的一员,加入暴力强权的多边主义?坚持开放的地区主义与国际协调,还是搞排他经济集团,远交近攻,以中国为竞争对手?利用中美对立从中渔利,还是促进中美协调而避免在中美之间“选边站”?妥善处理中日两国围绕钓鱼岛归属认知争议和台湾问题,还是重走历史老路?囿于冷战思维和传统权力政治的现实主义决策逻辑,同中国搞战略对抗,还是树立共同、综合、合作、可持续安全的新安全观,与中国加强合作?这些战略选择将关乎未来30年的中日关系。     

构建节能降耗劳动竞赛运行新机制

结合生产难点组织群众性劳动竞赛,是工会工作的重要内容,特别是新时期以节能降耗为内容的竞赛,更是促进我国转变经济发展方式的有效手段之一。在企业降耗减排、效益增强的同时,仍然需要不断探索、不断总结,进一步调动职工积极性,真正达到企业增效、职工增收的双赢目的。